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Background
The Special Committee on decolonization had before it
a report (document A/AC.109/2006/L.3) that highlights
Puerto Rico’s general constitutional and political
status, reviews recent political, economic and military
developments in the Territory, and outlines previous
action taken by the United Nations, including by the
Special Committee.
Also before it was a draft resolution on the Special
Committee decision of 13 June 2005 concerning Puerto
Rico (document A/AC.109/2006/L.7), by which the General
Assembly would reaffirm the inalienable right of the
people of Puerto Rico to self-determination and
independence, and call upon the United States to
expedite a process that would allow the full exercise of
that right.
Further by that text, the Assembly would express
serious concern regarding actions carried out against
Puerto Rican independence fighters in the last few
months, and encourage an investigation of those actions.
It would urge the United States to return the occupied
land and installations on Vieques Island and in Ceiba to
Puerto Rico; respect fundamental human rights; assume
responsibility for the costs of cleaning up and
decontaminating the impact areas previously used in
military exercises; and address the serious consequences
of its military activity for the health of the
inhabitants of Vieques and the environment.
The draft would further have the General Assembly
request the President of the United States to release
all Puerto Rican political prisoners serving sentences
of over 25 years for cases relating to the struggle for
the independence of Puerto Rico, as well as those
serving sentences for cases relating to the Vieques
Island peace struggle.
Introductory Remarks by Chairman
Special Committee Chairman JULIAN R. HUNTE (Saint
Lucia) said 40 requests for hearing had been received,
double the number heard last year, and the Special
Committee had, thus far, adopted 24 resolutions and
decisions on the question of Puerto Rico. That indicated
the Special Committee’s sustained interest in Puerto
Rico’s constitutional and political evolution process.
He said the Special Committee had studied the White
House Task Force Report on Puerto Rico released last
December, which presented certain perspectives on Puerto
Rico’s evolution and future options. It had also
reviewed the June 2005 report of the United States
Congressional Research Service, Political Status of
Puerto Rico: Background, Options and Issues. Recently,
the Committee had reviewed several bills before the
United States House of Representatives on the
Territory’s political evolution and had noted with
interest the views expressed during the April hearings
of the House of Representatives Committee on Resources.
Over the years, the Special Committee had benefited
from hearing the enlightening views and perspectives of
various political parties, as well as civil society and
other groups, he said, and looked forward to hearing the
petitioners’ updates on Puerto Rico’s present situation.
Such updates would help Member States better understand
the situation on the ground and make appropriate
recommendations on the way forward.
Petitioners’ Statements
JULIO E. FONTANET MALDONADO, Colegio de Abogados de
Puerto Rico, said he was once again appearing before the
Special Committee to denounce the colonial situation in
Puerto Rico. Last year, he had asked the Special
Committee to refer the case to the General Assembly and
stressed the need to use a constitutional assembly as
the mechanism for decolonization. Today, it was more
necessary than ever to repeat that request. The United
States had demonstrated a lack of will in dealing with
the issue. In a December 2005 White House report on
Puerto Rico’s status, the only coherent conclusion was
that Puerto Rico was still a Territory, which
constituted a recognition of the false representation
that the United States had made before the United
Nations, resulting in Puerto Rico’s exclusion from the
list of Non-Self-Governing Territories in 1953. The
report recommended a plebiscite, authorized by the
Federal Government, whereby people would be asked if
they wished to follow a constitutional avenue in
determining their status.
He said that did not comply with United Nations
resolutions because it would start in Congress, rather
than with the people of Puerto Rico. If any programmes
came up, the congressional bill would also have federal
courts deal with any issues, not Puerto Rican tribunals.
Self-sufficiency was also recognized as belonging to the
Government, rather than the people of Puerto Rico. In
recent months, the United States Federal Bureau of
Investigation (FBI) had infringed on the rights of the
Puerto Rican people. On 23 February 2005, members of
that Bureau had shot and killed 72-year-old activist
Filiberto Ojeda Rios, and all attempts to identify those
involved had been prevented by the Federal Government.
It was important to restate the urgent need for the
case of Puerto Rico to be brought to the General
Assembly plenary and to promote a constitutional
assembly as an ideal process for decolonization, he said.
There was also a need for a mission to visit Puerto
Rico. “We are tired and fed up with the situation. It is
shameful for the international community.”
ANGEL ORTIZ-GUZMAN, Pro Estado Libre Asociado de
Puerto Rico (PROELA), said that, despite the Special
Committee’s 24 resolutions on the status of Puerto Rico,
there had been no movement on the part of the United
States to advance the decolonization process. It was
time to invoke the United Nations Charter and have the
United States take the necessary action. The Special
Committee should conduct a visiting mission to Puerto
Rico and hold hearings on the island, as it had done
last year in Bermuda. It should do the same in Puerto
Rico in order to get a real sense of the Territory’s
status. The PROELA supported a constitutional assembly
on Puerto Rico’s status, rejected all forms of
colonialism and solutions that did not comply with
international law, supported the right to self-determination
and sovereignty, and defended free association as a
formula to achieve that sovereignty.
Puerto Rico’s socio-economic situation was very
precarious, he continued, noting that the United States
was preventing it from achieving sustainable development
by forbidding the Territory from becoming an observer in
international organizations. In his June 2003 letter,
then Deputy Secretary of State James Swigert had opposed
Puerto Rico’s intention to join the Food and
Agricultural Organization (FAO) as an associate member.
Note verbale 871 of 20 May 2003, sent by the United
States Embassy in Panama to all members of the Central
American Integration System (SICA), called on all
embassies to recognize the United States Government as
being solely responsible for Puerto Rican affairs and
stated that any visits of high-level Puerto Rican
officials should not be considered as visits by Heads of
State. The note verbale further said that it was not
appropriate to allow Puerto Rico to become a member or
observer of an international organization where members
and observers were sovereign States. The 22 December
2005 report of the Inter-agency Work Group clearly
demonstrated that the United States continued to give
Puerto Rico colonial and territorial treatment 54 years
after its establishment.
Calling for action, he said Puerto Rico’s national
dignity and economical survival depended on the case
being taken to the General Assembly and reiterated the
right of Puerto Ricans to review a request that examined
their future statues. The United States Government
should be obliged to initiate and support the exercise
by Puerto Ricans of their inalienable rights.
FERNANDO J. MARTIN-GARCIA, Partido
Independista Puertorriqueño, said the independence of
Puerto Rico was the one remaining part of the
independence congress convened by Simon Bolivar in 1836
that had yet to be addressed. The Bolivarian ideal of
Puerto Rican independence was an issue for Latin
American principles, going far beyond any electoral
issues, and United States politicians should not be
expressing preferences regarding the people of Puerto
Rico.
He said the White House inter-agency report of
December 2005 said Puerto Rico continued to be a
territorial possession subject to the plenary power of
Congress, in other words, a colony. The fact that the
Puerto Rican people favoured decolonization was not in
doubt. There was a need to recognize that Puerto Rico
was still a colony, and that there was a trend for Latin
American nations to discover their solidarity and resent
the colonialism governing Puerto Rico.
Repudiating the constitution that the governing party
was defending, he said it refused to define Puerto
Rico’s status as “colonial”. It was outrageous that they
had come to the Special Committee to defend colonization.
Colonialism in Puerto Rico was not just a fundamental
violation of human rights; it was also an economic
straitjacket perpetuating underdevelopment and
marginalizing Puerto Ricans.
ALEIDA CENTENO RODRIGUEZ, Puertorriqueñas en Defensa
del Patrimonio Nacional, denounced the United States for
using Puerto Rico as a military base to avoid its
responsibility under the Nuclear Non-Proliferation
Treaty. Also, although the United Nations had stated
that two thirds of the world population would not have
access to potable water by 2025, the United States had
enacted a series of laws allegedly to protect Puerto
Rico’s water resources, including the Caribbean National
Forest Wild and Scenic River Act, which gave the United
States first rights to the water in that area, and the
Caribbean National Forest Wilderness Act. Both acts were
opposed by the Puerto Rican people. Further, the United
States had used the Revised Land and Resource Management
Plan to authorize use of the land and resources, which
had resulted in the dumping of residue and equipment, as
well as chemical and biological changes.
Other United States laws permitted the entry of the
National Nuclear Security Administration and created
exclusivity in its favour for research, she said. They
also authorized the installation of nuclear production
facilities by the United States Department of Energy.
Those laws violated Puerto Rico’s right to decide
whether to accept those facilities on its Territory.
Furthermore, the United States Senate had before it a
bill that would allow it to claim rights to all rivers
in northern Puerto Rico under the Puerto Rico Karst
Conservation Act. The Special Committee should also
scrutinize the degrading, inhuman treatment of Puerto
Ricans by the United States, whose presence on the
island was part of its imperialist expansion begun in
1898. The Special Committee should send a visiting
mission to evaluate such activities, prevent violations
of international law, and guarantee Puerto Rico’s
transition to independence.
IVAN RIVERA, Colectivo Autonomista Puertorriqueño,
said different groups had come before the Special
Committee to offer various points of view on the Puerto
Rican situation. Despite the different ideological
perspectives of each one, the common theme was the hope
for the creation of a nation and for a clear process of
self-determination. Puerto Rico’s lack of political and
economic independence must be addressed, as its people
had not been able to make their right to self-determination
a reality. In the United States, there had been attempts
to take over the debate on the issue, as well as
projects designed to redirect the will of the Puerto
Rican people.
He said the inter-agency working group named at the
end of 2005, far from fulfilling the responsibilities of
the United States Government, could be used to impose
whatever the United States wished, including the
possibility of ceding Puerto Rico to any other country.
The ongoing silence of the United States Government was
such that the few cases during which it had been broken
had been used tacitly to establish its dominance over
Puerto Rico. The United States was denying millions of
Puerto Rican nationals the right to determine their
political future and also put them at risk of losing
their human rights. Given its juridical ambiguity, the
issue of Puerto Rico should be raised to the plenary
level of the General Assembly. Hearings should also be
held in Puerto Rico.
GUSTAVO CARVAJAL, Conferencia Permanente de
Partidos Pol íticos de Am érica Latina y el Caribe
(COPPAL), said that, although colonization had been
extinguished in most parts of the world, some 4 million
citizens of Puerto Rico did not enjoy their right to
self-determination. During the twentieth century, the
United States had used Puerto Rico as a political
bastion to protect its access to the Panama Canal and
did not view Puerto Rican independence as being in its
geopolitical interests. But Puerto Ricans spoke Spanish
and were part of Latin America. The Puerto Rican
independence movement was proof of the population’s
firmness and determination. The time was ripe for
decolonization, particularly since the island’s
strategic importance for the United States had
disappeared after the end of the cold war and since the
Panama Canal was now under Panamanian control.
He asked the Special Committee to take note of last
December’s report by the United States Inter-agency Task
Force, which marked the first time that the Executive
Branch had formally recognized Puerto Rico as a non-incorporated
territory and that such status was transitory. Further,
the report proposed a vote for the Puerto Rican people
to express their determination to end their political
subordination. The report had led to a number of
bipartisan measures in the United States Congress. It
was incumbent upon the Puerto Rican people to exercise
their own right to self-determination under General
Assembly resolution 1514, but the international
community also had a responsibility to facilitate the
exercise of that right. The Special Committee must
restate the need for the General Assembly to take up the
case of Puerto Rico. In 1953, the United States
Government had requested that the United Nations exclude
Puerto Rico from the list of countries under colonial
rule. Mexico had opposed that request. The COPPAL urged
the Special Committee to adopt a resolution mandating
the General Assembly to reassess Puerto Rico’s status
and reaffirm its independence, as well as the United
States’ obligations.
RAUL ALFONSIN, Committee for Latin America and
the Caribbean of the Socialist International, said
Puerto Rico was a Latin American nation whose
independence had been on the Latin American agenda since
the beginning of the nineteenth century. Speaking as an
Argentine and as a firm defender of democracy, he
demanded Puerto Rico’s independence with the same
fervour with which he claimed the undeniable right of
Argentina to the Malvinas. Colonialism, by any
definition, was a violation of democracy whose
fundamental principle was the right of people to
participate in the governments and agencies that
governed their lives. A foreign congress dictated the
laws that governed Puerto Rico.
He said he was satisfied that steps were being taken
in the United States to deal with the Puerto Rico issue.
It had formally been acknowledged that Puerto Rico was a
Non-Self-Governing Territory, and steps should be taken
to do away with that status. Bills had been introduced
in the United States House of Representatives and Senate
to achieve those goals. There were differences over what
Puerto Rico’s ultimate status should be, but the
Socialist International acknowledged that that decision
was incumbent on the Puerto Rican people, and supported
independence for Puerto Rico, following more than a
century of United States colonialism.
Introduction of Draft Resolution
RODRIGO MALMIERCA DIAZ ( Cuba), introducing the draft
resolution on the Special Committee decision of 13 June
2005 concerning Puerto Rico (document
A/AC.109/2006/L.7), said that today’s large turnout was
evidence of the great interest in Puerto Rico’s future.
The people of Puerto Rico still could not exercise their
legitimate right to self-determination because the
United States continued its attempts to reaffirm its
economic, political and social domination over the
Territory. The United Nations had stated clearly in its
24 resolutions over the past years, which reaffirmed
General Assembly resolution 1514, that the United States
must honour the process of allowing the Puerto Rican
people to exercise their inalienable rights. Puerto Rico
was and would continue to be a Latin American and
Caribbean nation with its own national identity.
He said the draft resolution urged the United States
to give back all land occupied on the Vieques island and
facilities in both Vieques and Ceiba, to pay for and
undertake the cost of cleaning up and decontaminating
the affected areas, and to be accountable for the
serious environmental and health consequences there
resulting from its military activity. The Non-aligned
Movement had repeatedly expressed its solidarity with
the Puerto Rican people, and, in that context, the draft
noted the important statements made during the final
document of the Non-Aligned Movements Ministerial
Meeting held last May in Malaysia.
The draft resolution expressed the Special
Committee’s deep concern for the violent acts, including
intimidation and repression, that had been committed in
the last few months against Puerto Rican pro-independence
representatives, he said. It urged an investigation into
those acts, including the 23 September assassination of
pro-independence leader Filiberto Ojeda Rios in an
operation executed by FBI agents. The 75-year-old had
been wounded and left to bleed to death. The raid on him
and countless other pro-independence leaders carried out
by federal agents had sparked a wave of repudiation by
the Puerto Rican people. As in previous years, this
year’s draft asked the United States President to
release Puerto Rican political prisoners who had been
serving prison sentences during the last 25 years due to
their call for Puerto Rican independence and their
protests of the United States presence in Vieques.
The need for the General Assembly to comprehensively
review the situation was increasingly urgent, he said,
expressing the hope that the Special Committee could
submit the Puerto Rico case directly to the General
Assembly. While the delegations of Cuba and Venezuela
would have preferred changes and additions to some of
the text, the draft did include important new elements,
nonetheless. In the interest of consensus, those
delegations had agreed to the text in its current form.
Continuation of Petitioners’ Statements
VANESSA RAMOS, American Association of Jurists, said
the group was firmly committed to eradicating
colonialism, and expressed the hope that the General
Assembly would include the issue of Puerto Rico on its
agenda. The United States should stop the bombardment
and war exercises on Vieques, and also take on the full
cost of cleaning and decontaminating the island’s water
of the toxic materials that were causing significant
health problems. All lands in Vieques should be returned
in such a way that they benefited the people of Puerto
Rico, not transnational corporations.
She said recent police actions pointed to the
colonial nature of Puerto Rico. The Untied States had
systematically persecuted members of independence groups,
and the recent attack on Filiberto Ojeda Rios involving
more than 100 people was a military action, not police
activity. It was clear that the FBI’s objective had not
been to arrest, but to kill. The association
energetically repudiated that crime and requested the
arrest and trial of those responsible. It also called on
the President of the United States to make a
humanitarian gesture by freeing Puerto Rican prisoners
in American prisons.
JUAN MARIA BRIAS, Causa Común Independentista and El
Comité Puerto Rico en las Naciones Unidas (COPRONU),
said that the Causa Común’s first education project had
begun in 1989 and involved monitoring discussion of the
colonial case of Puerto Rico in the United Nations for
more than 30 years. A group of Puerto Rican
international law students, who were attending the
Special Committee for the first time, had examined the
draft of 6 June 2006 and proposed three amendments to
the document. They felt preambular paragraph 7 should be
deleted because it was not correct to say that the Inter-agency
Task Force on Puerto Rico’s status “designated by the
President of the United States which submitted the
report of 22 of December 2005 affirmed that Puerto Rico
was a Territory subjected to United States congressional
authority”, because no such report existed. The United
States President’s spokespeople had publicly
acknowledged that he had not even read the report
mentioned in the draft resolution. That was proof of
manipulation by the most colonialist sector in
Washington.
He said it was an offence to the national dignity of
all Puerto Ricans that their country should continue to
be the property of the United States and subject to the
plenary powers of Congress, so much so that that body
could unilaterally decide to cede Puerto Rico to another
foreign country. That outrageous statement should not be
in the Special Committee’s draft resolution, nor should
the Special Committee recognize the United States report.
The draft resolution should condemn the assassination of
Filiberto Ojeda Rios and not merely state its serious
concern over it. The COPRONU proposed “expresses the
urgency” rather than “reiterates again the hope of the
General Assembly”, to examine the case of Puerto Rico.
After 34 years, the Puerto Rican people’s right to self-determination
was absolutely urgent.
JOSE CASTILLO, Puerto Rican Nationalist Party, said
the group had appeared in the past to denounce
colonialism in Puerto Rico and hoped the Special
Committee would show its commitment to the island’s
struggle for self-determination, so that it could join
the United Nations in its own right. The Special
Committee and its resolutions on Puerto Rico were
indispensable instruments.
He called upon the United States Government to assure
the Puerto Rican people of their right to self-determination
and human rights and immediately cease the persecution,
arrests, and murders perpetrated against independence
fighters. Vieques peace activists must be freed
immediately, and the FBI’s electronic surveillance and
continued harassment of independence fighters must be
stopped. The United States must also end its actions
against basic human rights while fully implementing the
United Nations resolution calling for a constituent
assembly to begin decolonization.
Puerto Rico had its own national identity, he said,
adding that, since its 1898 invasion, the United States
had tried to destroy the nationality of Puerto Rican
people. It kept Puerto Rico in isolation, maintaining it
as private corporation from which it earned billions a
year. That exploitation had made foreigners richer and
the Puerto Rican people poorer. The fact that Puerto
Rico was the last territory in the world could not be
hidden. Violation of rights there would cease only once
it was a free and independent nation. The United States
must provide compensation for what it had done to Puerto
Rico’s land and people.
NESTOR DUPREY SALGADO, Movimiento Autonomista
Socialdemocrata de Puerto Rico, said the group had
outlined 10 principles for a new pact of free
association between Puerto Rico and the United states,
taking into account General Assembly resolution 1514 and
the 12 September 1978 resolution of the Special
Committee, as well as the constitutional experience of
the United States and the historical aspirations for
Puerto Rican autonomy. That called for negotiating a new
pact or association treaty between the United States,
and Puerto Rico which could only be amended with the
consent of both sides. It also called for giving Puerto
Rico full sovereignty rights except in areas that the
pact had authorized for the United States. The pact,
among other things, would also require that the United
States provide economic and technical support to help
Puerto Rico develop economically and achieve self-sufficiency.
He said that the December 2005 Inter-agency Committee
created by the United States President to review the
issue of Puerto Rico had made statements that culminated
in an attitude of scorn towards the Puerto Rican people
and their call for changes to their island’s status.
Resolution 748 (1953) showed the growing influence of
the United States in Puerto Rico. The non-compliance of
the United States of the 1967, 1975 and 1995 calls for
development of the free associated State and the fact
that the Special Committee continued to maintain
jurisdiction over the case of Puerto Rico had made the
United States-Puerto Rican relationship a colonial one,
which must end. The Legislative Assembly of Puerto Rico
and the United States Congress had yet to see
legislation that would give the Puerto Rican people a
vote and voice that would determine their future.
Although it was incumbent on Puerto Ricans to decide
their future status, the international community could
not be absent from that debate. The General Assembly
should examine the cases, and the Committee, with the
support of most Latin American and European Governments,
should back that demand. The 1950 step towards
decolonization was insufficient and inconclusive.
EDGARDO OJEDA SERRANO, MINH Zona de Mayaguez, saying
that he represented the family of Filiberto Ojeda Rios
and others who had suffered the violent assassination of
a man who had led the independence movement -– his
beloved father -- said he appeared before the Special
Committee to denounce one of the clearest acts that a
colony could suffer: an extrajudicial, immensely
barbarous murder. Without a doubt, the execution of
Ojeda Rios had been ordered at the highest levels of the
United States Government. Unable to receive medical or
legal aid, he had been allowed to bleed to death, and a
journalist who had witnessed the whole thing had been
told to deny it.
The assassination had uncovered a vicious cycle of
State terrorism by the United States Government, and in
the months since the death of Ojeda Rios, no
investigations had reached any official conclusion, he
said. The federal prosecutor and the FBI had recently
said that documents in the case could not be
disseminated under the Freedom of Information Act.
He said he had not come to cry over the dead, but to
demand justice and the right of a nation to freedom and
control of its economy, diplomacy and culture, as well
as to demand that United States Homeland Security cease
its constant persecution of him. There was no reason why
he should require authorization from Washington, D.C.,
in order to travel since he was not a terrorist, but the
proud son of a martyr. “Filiberto lives. Long live a
free and sovereign Puerto Rico.”
MIGUEL SANCHEZ RIVERA, Coordinadora Nacional
Rompiendo El Perimetro, said that he was a shoemaker who
represented a regional group formed following the 23
September assassination by FBI agents of Filiberto Ojeda
Rios. The general in charge of the Boricua Popular Army-Los
Macheteros had formed it to denounce the assassination,
to call for a full investigation and to alert
independence activists to political repression. Three of
the four nationals jailed for attacks against the United
States Congress were from the western part of Puerto
Rico, which had been the seat of much intense activism
and subsequent political oppression by United States
authorities. The group’s objective was to exhaust all
available resources to reject and end that oppression,
and many of its members were in United States prisons
serving extreme sentences that were offensive. One such
comrade, Antonio Camacho, was being drugged in prison to
prevent him from understanding the physical and
psychological abuse to which he was being subjected.
Such abuse of prisoners was unjustifiable under United
States and international law.
Following the murder of Mr. Ojeda Rios, independence
fighters had been subjected to intimidation and
interrogations, he said. The message to them was clear:
independence was considered a danger and something to be
kept under control. Such actions created a climate of
insecurity. There must be a full transfer of power and a
total withdrawal of the FBI and other repressive forces
from Puerto Rico. The Department of Justice had not
cooperated in the investigation of the murder, and,
without providing any evidence, the FBI had stated that
its investigation of independence fighters was intended
to uncover a complex terrorist plan against public and
private property. The independence fighters were not
terrorists, but they continued to be harassed and, with
little support from the Puerto Rican authorities, were
left with no other alternative than to firmly denounce
the United States Government’s criminal acts. The
General Assembly should take up the matter and call for
an end to such repression and for the eradication of
colonialism.
BENJAMIN RAMOS ROSADO, ProLibertad Freedom Campaign,
said the group was working to secure the freedom of
Puerto Rican political prisoners and the decolonization
of Puerto Rico. Imprisonment of people for their
political convictions as part of an ongoing independence
struggle was an international human rights violation and
an act of repression. Puerto Ricans were second class
citizens who could not vote in presidential elections
and who had no representation in the United States
Congress. American citizenship had been imposed on them,
but Puerto Ricans were denied the basic rights that
early Americans had fought a revolutionary war to
possess. Puerto Rico’s current fiscal crisis was deeply
rooted in the United States Government’s manipulation of
its economy and business. When Puerto Ricans became too
much of a threat to the status quo, they were either
assassinated or incarcerated.
Making the case for the remaining five Puerto Rican
political prisoners, three of whom had been incarcerated
for 25 years, he said the prisoners were community
activists, professionals, mothers, fathers and
grandparents who found Puerto Rico’s colonial reality
intolerable and unacceptable. As international citizens,
they had the right to confront the United States
Government. When they had been captured in April 1980,
they had invoked prisoner-of-war status and argued that
United States courts had no jurisdiction. They had
petitioned to go before an impartial international court,
but the United States had not recognized the request and
had tried them anyway, imposing punitive and excessive
sentences. While in prison, the prisoners had been
tortured, raped, denied medical treatment, held in
solitary confinement and denied counsel, all in direct
violation of international norms.
The United States considered itself a bastion of
democracy and freedom, yet it was currently occupying
Haiti, Cuba, Puerto Rico, Iraq, Afghanistan and several
other countries, he said. It was ironic that a country
that had fought for its independence and self-determination
against a colonizing Power would use the same methods of
repression against other peoples. The United Nations
must take immediate action to end the colonial
occupation of Puerto Rico, meet the demands of the
people of Vieques, and set forth the unconditional
release of all the remaining Puerto Rican political
prisoners.
(END OF MORNING MEETING)
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